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.G.Barnesand D.L.Dumond (New York, 1934), 1:124 28.18.Lincoln, First Inaugural Address Final Text, March 4, 1861, and To JamesC.Conkling, August 26, 1863, in Collected Works, 4:271, 6:409; Wendell Phillips, Sims Anniversary, in Speeches, Lectures, and Letters (Boston, 1863), 83, 98, 100.19.Phillips, Sims Anniversary, 91; William Lloyd Garrison, The Great Crisis! Liberator, December 29, 1832, and December 15, 1837; Twelfth Annual Meetingof the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, Twelfth Annual Report, presented to theMassachusetts Anti-Slavery Society by its Board of Managers (Boston, 1844), 3; OwenLovejoy, The Fanaticism of the Democratic Party, in Illinois Literature: The Nine-teenth Century, ed.J.E.Hallwas (Macomb, IL, 1986), 81 82; Ichabod Codding, Why Discuss This Subject in the North? in Ichabod Codding Papers, Illinois StateHistorical Library, Springfield.Lincoln resented Codding s attempt in November1854 to place Lincoln s name on the newly organized Republican state committee;Lincoln was at that time still firmly committed to the Whig Party, and while hesupposed that my opposition to the principle of slavery is as strong as that of anymember of the Republican party.I had also supposed that the extent to which Ifeel authorized to carry that opposition, practically, was not at all satisfactory to thatparty. To Ichabod Codding, November 27, 1854, in Collected Works, 2:288.20.Lincoln, To John H.Bryant, May 30, 1864, in Collected Works, 7:366;Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Lewis Tappan and the Evangelical War against Slavery(New York, 1971), 337 38; Garrison to Helen E.Garrison, June 11, 1864, in Let-ters of William Lloyd Garrison, 5:212; John Hay, diary entry for October 28, 1863,in Inside Lincoln s White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, ed.Michael Burlingame and J.R.T.Ettlinger (Carbondale, IL, 1997), 101; John B.Henderson, in Stevens, Reporter s Lincoln, 171.21.Shelby Cullom, in Fehrenbacher and Fehrenbacher, Recollected Words, 125;Lincoln, Speech at Peoria, Illinois, October 16, 1854, in Collected Works, 2:273;John B.Henderson, in Stevens, Reporter s Lincoln, 172; Eli Thayer and WilliamD.Kelley, in Burlingame and Ettlinger, Inside Lincoln s White House, 322 n.233.22.Eric McKitrick, The Liberator, New York Review of Books, October 21,1999, 57.23.Paul Goodman, Of One Blood: Abolitionism and the Origins of Racial Equal-ity (Berkeley, CA, 1998), 60; Henry Mayer, All on Fire: William Lloyd Garrisonand the Abolition of Slavery (New York, 1998), xvii xxi. 104 fiends.facing zionwards 24.Lincoln, Reply to Eliza P.Gurney, October 26, 1862, in Collected Works,5:478.25.Christopher L.Brown comments in terms which Lincoln would haveappreciated that if antislavery argument was to have effect, moralists probablywould have to do more than simply insist that slavery was wrong.The realburden lay in rethinking the relationship between empire and coerced labor. See Empire without Slaves: British Concepts of Emancipation in the Age of theAmerican Revolution, William and Mary Quarterly 61 (April 1999): 275. 6Apples of Gold in a Picture of Silver:Lincoln, the Constitution, and Libertyn the threatening winter of 1860 61, as the United States was beinginched ever closer to the outbreak of civil war by the secession of theSouthern states over the issue of black slavery, the newly elected president,IAbraham Lincoln, opened up a confidential correspondence with a for-mer Southern political colleague, Alexander Stephens of Georgia.Stephens hadmade headlines in November 1860 in a speech to the Georgia legislature urgingGeorgia not to follow the South into secession.Lincoln sent him a friendlynote, asking for a printed copy of the speech and perhaps warming Stephensto an invitation to come into Lincoln s cabinet as a gesture of mollificationtoward the South
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